Homerica: a conspectus of key forms

Ι) Data on the forms of the dative plural of ἔπος is not presented by LSJ s.v. (but some etymological comment is at the head of the entry, not at the foot, with the dialect forms: older Ϝέπος SIG9 (v. infr.), etc., εος, τό (Skt. vácas 'word', 'hymn', cf. εἶπον): ):

a) ἔπεσσι Od.19.214 (-ν); ἔπ- τε μειλίχοισι# Il.9.113, Od.9.258 (-ν), 363, and 376, and 19.415; cf. Hes.Op.186 χαλεποῖς βάζοντες ἔπ-#; also Pi.O.13.25.

b) ἔπεσιν Il.1.77.

c) ἐπέεσσιν# Il.1.223 (ἀταρτητοῖς ἐπ-), 304 (ἀντιβίοισι μαχεσσαμένω ἐπ-); cf. 6.325 and 337 (αἰσχροῖς ἐπ-#), without and then with -ν.

ΙΙ) The endings ᾱο and εω:
Il.21.84-86: μινυνθάδιον δέ με μήτηρ | γείνατο Λαοθόη, θυγάτηρ Ἄλτᾱο γέροντος, | Ἄλτεω, ὅς Λελέγεσσι φιλοπτολεμοισι ἀνάσσει, |

The original 'Aeolic' Ἄλτᾱο and the latest Ionic Ἄλτεω (a spondee by synizesis) a:-stem masculine genitive singular forms are found in adjacent lines. Sappho and Alcaeus would use Ἄλτᾱ. In this instance, line 86 could be omitted without damage to syntax or to sense.

III) Diectasis:
ὁράω (of which there are no uncontracted forms in Hom., e.g. *ὁράεις, cf. Il.21.108. cited below) - ὁρῶ Il.3.324 (also ὁρᾷς, ὁρᾷ, ὅρα, ὁρᾶν, ὁρῶν, ὁρῶμαι, ὁρᾶται, ὁρᾶσθαι, ὁρώμενος), ὁρόω Il.5.224 (ὁράᾳς Il.21.108, ὁράασθαι Od.20.317, ὁρόωνὁρόων Il.1.350, 3.325, Od.8.314, ὁρόωντες Il.24.633, Od.7.145, 9. 295, and 20.373, ὁρόωσα Od.19.514, 2pl. opt. ὁρόῳτε Il.4.347). Contrast Ionic ὁρέω Hdt.1.80 and the dialectal 3rd person plural ὁρεῦντι in Theocritus 9.36.

IV) The second person singular of 'be':   
ἐσσί Il.1.176, 280, 3.164, 172, etc.: Od.1.175, 297, etc.
εἶς (εἴς) Il.16.515, 24.407; of the 9 instances of this form, only 1 cannot be altered to ἐσσ(ί) because it is not pre-vocalic, namely Od.17.388: ἀλλ’ αἰεὶ χαλεπὸς περὶ πάντων εἰς μνηστήρων.
εἰς Il.16.538, 19.217, etc.: Od.1.170, 207, 4.371, 611, etc.
εἶ is, it seems, not found, nor ἐσί (citable from Cretan GDI 4959a).

Some duals

Menander, fr. 520 Kock
μήτηρ τέθνηκε ταῖν ἀδελφαῖν ταῖν δυοῖν (δυεῖν in Körte-Thierfelder)
ταύταιν· τρέφει δὲ παλλακή τις τοῦ πατρὸς
... but ...
αὐτάς, ἅβρα τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῶν γενομένη.


Josephus (!), AJ 14.425:
ὡς δὲ καθιμήθησαν αἱ λάρνακες, ἐτόλμα δ’ οὐδεὶς προσελθεῖν τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν στομίων,
ἀλλ’ ὑπὸ δέους ἠρέμουν, μάχαιράν τις περιζωσάμενος τῶν ὁπλοφόρων καὶ ταῖν χεροῖν ἀμφοτέραιν δραξάμενος ἁλύσεως, ἀφ’ ἧς ἤρτητο ἡ λάρναξ, κατῄει ἐπὶ τὰ στόμια δυσχεράνας τὴν τριβὴν τῶν ἐπεξιέναι μὴ τολμώντων.

In Plutarch, we find ταῖν with θεαῖν (so too in Arrian's Anabasis) and χεροῖν.

In Job 13:20, we find δυεῖν '(you shall indulge me) in two things' (NETS, p. 678) in the poetic section, but δύο in 42:7 in the prose epilogue (Joosten 2014: 35), where δυεῖν would be inadmissible syntactically.

The book title of book titles

MacDonell's A Sanskrit Grammar for Students (Oxford, 1927: xiv) refers to a work called gaṇa-ratna-maho-dadhi 'the ocean of the gems of word-groups' by Vardhamāna in 1140.





This title surely puts the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae or Linguae Graecae to shame and in the shade.
  In relation to ratna, recall, from the first stanza of the first Vedic hymn to Agni (RV 1.1), ratna-dhā_tama(m) 'best bestower of ratna ('treasure')'. There are no IE cognates for ratna.

-ίδᾱς in names from Mytilene, Lesbos, in the time of Sappho and/or Alcaeus

Ἀ̄γεσιλαίδᾱς, (Alc.130.19) a friend of the poet.
Ἀρχεανακτίδᾱς (Alc.112.24)
Ἀισιμίδᾱς (Alc.365)
Ἀντιμενίδᾱς (Alc.350), the poet's brother.
Δᾱμοανακτίδᾱς (Alc.296 (b) 1)
Κλεανακτίδᾱς (LGPN: "Alc. frr. 112, 23; 444; Sapph. fr. 98 (b), 7; Str. 617 (Κλεανακτίδαι (patr. adj.))"), Myrsilos.

Πενθιλήᾱν[ (gen.pl.) Sapph.71.3: Πενθιλειος.
Πενθιλίδας (acc.pl.) Arist.Pol.1311b27, Πενθιλιδῶν (gen.pl.), Plu. De sollertia animalium 984E3.

Πωλυανακτίδᾱς (Sapph.99.i.2 -δαις, 23 -δᾱν); cf. Πωλυάνακτις (Sapph.155 acc.sg. -ιδα)
Πωλύαναξ (1x) is in LGPN vol. I as follows: "Πωλυάναξ [m.] Mytilene vii/vi BC Sapph. 99, 2; 155 (Πωλυανακτιδα (acc. adj.))".

Compounds in σοφο-

The name Σοφοκλέης/Σοφοκλῆς is very family, but there are surprisingly few compounds with σοφο- as a first member (contrast φιλό-σοφος, etc.). LSJ knows σοφο-τέχηνης from an inscription of 149 AD, σοφό-νους as a nonce-word in Lucian (Colvin 2007: 270-271, no. 92),  and cites the curious σοφιβόλος from P.Oxy. XVI 1873 (actually a ghostword: ἀ<μ>φιβόλον is now read instead of σοφιβῶλον), but reports no others.


That inscription ends with a Roman date (by consuls and with reference to the Ides of No(v)ember) in a dative (!) absolute: Ὀρφίτῳ καὶ Σοσ|σίῳ Πρείσκῳ ὑπάτοις, εἴδοις Νοεμβρίαις. Jannaris (1897: 499-500) cites several examples, but not this one.

The Revised Supplement, p. 279, reports σοφο-διδάσκαλος from an inscription from Sardis.

E.A. Sophocles, pp. 1001-1002, reports σοφό-δωρος (and a feminine counterpart in -δοτις) and σοφο-ποιός with its derivatives, all from Pseudo-Dionysios.


The onomastic data confirms the rarity of σοφο- compounds:

[ Note that Λαϝόσοϝος is falsely returned (see CEG I 444). ]

All of this serves to underline that the Teacher of Rhetoric's suggestion that one should sprinkle in words like σοφόνους is comical. There too χειρί-σοφος is recommended, which appears as a name 4x. Colvin translates 'cheirosophic'.

Ablative absolutes with future participles

I vividly remember my school master telling me in my upper-sixth year that there was only one ablative absolute with a future participle in Latin literature and that we were looking at it. I do not, however, recall what the unseen passage was.

Now, thanks to the persistence in doing good of a colleague, there is a candidate, Ovid, Heroides, XVIII (Leander Heroni) 111-112:

iamque fugaturā Tithoni coniuge noctem
     praevius Aurorae Lucifer ortus erat;

This has a strong claim to being the one instance, if there is only one. I remember reading about Hero and Leander and being told a cautionary tale about confusing transitive fugāre with intransitive fugere (not to mention the difference of conjugation).

The leaper's aryballos...

of Pyrrhias, whose LSAG materials are available as 131.14c.

A Koine dvandva

DGE, but not LSJ (or the Rev.Supp.), has an entry for Διονυσο-πλάτων referring to a signet ring with a depiction not only of Dionysus (note the name of the witness and of his father), but also of Plato thereon: 'Dioniso-Platón, representación de Dioniso y Platón'.

The eighth of nine witnesses to P.Oxy. I 105 (118-138 CE) wrote/had written (lines 19-20): 
Διονύσιος Διον[υσ]ίου τ[ο]ῦ Διογένους ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆ[ς] πόλεως
μαρτ[υ]ρῶ[τῇ τοῦ Πεκύσιος διαθήκῃ, καὶ εἰμὶ] ἐτῶν τεσσαράκοντα ἕξ, οὐλὴ παρὰ κρόταφον δεξιόν, καὶ ἔστι μου ἡ σφραγὶς Διονυσοπλάτωνος.

The translation in the ed.pr. stops before the details of the witnesses...

Love (or affection) in a warm climate...

Beekes s.v. νείφει comments:
"Deviating in meaning IE
*sneig^wh- 'snow', nix, nivis, νίφα, etc., not to mention English snow> is the zero-grade yod -present Skt. sníhyati 'to get wet, sticky', metaph. 'to find affection', with sneha- 'stickyness, affection, etc.', with a shift of meaning that has been ascribed to the mild climate, like in the Celtic word (see above <: a="" class="abbreviation" found="" grade="" in="" is="" present="" span="" thematic="" title="Old Irish" zero="">OIr. snigid 'it drops, rains'>)."

The use and abuse of Latin script

Apart from the somewhat well-known line from the Aeneid of Vergil, Vrbs antiqua fuit, into which some joker inserted an for the first syllable, the following inscription on the Coke monument from Holkham Hall in Norfolk is of interest.

SMALL IN SIZE | BVT GREAT IN VALVE

Greek names in Tata-

In his discussion of IG XIV 865 (= Buck, no. 10, LSAG 240.3), Colvin, p. 124 no. 26, notes that 'female names in Tata- are common in Asia Minor (so-called Lallnamen), but there is plenty of evidence for tata- as an element in subliterary Gr. appellatives. For examples, see Headlam's commentary (Cambridge 1922) on Herodas 1. 60, ταταλίζειν'. The passage in Hero(n)das is in Hopkinson's Hellenistic Anthology as XXIV.

The note from Headlam follows, then the LGPN data for male as well as female names (suffice to say that vol. 5a is that for 'Coastal Asia Minor: Pontos to Ionia):

'An (un)easy commerce of the old and the new,...': The Dipylon Oinochoe and other epigraphica in LSJ

T. S. Eliot did not have epigraphic citations in LSJ in mind.

CEG 1.432 probably consists of two inscriptions (as LSAG), but many attempt variously to restore sense to the second line. This, one of the oldest Greek inscriptions (and in Attic, at that), if not the oldest, is cited thrice in LSJ: s.vv. <ὀρχ->ηστής IG1.^2 ... 919 (no date), ἀτᾰλός as IG 1.492a (no date), and δεκάω, as Ath.Mitt.18.225 with '(Attica, viii B.C. (?))', but also the fascinating 'dub. l. et sens.'.

Although παίζει (unless παίζηι) is mentioned s.v. ἀτᾰλός, the (first) hexameter is not cited in the entry for the verb, even though it has a claim to being one of its earliest appearances: the verb is '(never in Il.).

LSJ s.v. παίζω I 5 reads 'play amorously, πρὸς ἀλλήλους X.Smp.9.2; μετά τινος LXX Ge.26.8; of mares, Arist.HA572a30' (underling mine). The Dipylon Oinochoe, I presume, would belong here, if not s.v. I 2 'esp. dance': ℎὸς νῦν ὀρχεστο͂ν πάντον ἀταλότατα παίζει, ...

This brings us to Anacreon 72/417 PMG.
πῶλε Θρηικίη, τί δή με

  λοξὸν ὄμμασι βλέπουσα (1)

νηλέως φεύγεις, δοκεῖς δέ

  μ’ οὐδὲν εἰδέναι σοφόν;  (2)

ἴσθι τοι, καλῶς μὲν ἄν τοι

  τὸν χαλινὸν ἐμβάλοιμι,  (3)

ἡνίας δ’ ἔχων στρέφοιμί

  σ’ ἀμφὶ τέρματα δρόμου· (4)

νῦν δὲ λειμῶνάς τε βόσκεαι  (5)

  κοῦφά τε σκιρτῶσα παίζεις, (5)

δεξιὸν γὰρ ἱπποπείρην

  οὐκ ἔχεις ἐπεμβάτην.

Some other points of epigraphy and LSJ. The Preface, p. viii n. 2, reports, 'The appearance of a third edition of the Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, completed in 1924, has necessitated the alteration of a large number of references. The pitfalls which beset the path of the lexicographer may be exemplified by the fact that on the first revision the word ἀπόπλωσις was illustrated by SIG^2 929.127, and this was altered by the concordance-table to SIG^3 685.127: fortunately it was discovered in time that the word had disappeared in the later text!'

S.v. ὄπισθεν the following is cited among instances in Homer: 'ὄπιθεν κομόωσαι ἔθειραι IG 12(9).1179.9 (Euboea);'. The absence of an indication of its date could mislead. The language is certainly that of early hexameter poetry (n.b. ὄπιθεν κομόωσαι and in line 1 λοετροῖσι), but it is far later than Homer (2nd c. AD: n.b. εἱδρυμένης, ἀλλὰ ἀτειμάσει in line 17 and καὶ Ὑγεία in line 41).

Cremation in Homer and elsewhere

The hymn 15 in Rigveda X (one of the youngest parts of the collection) refers, in verse or stanza 14 to the emerging rite of cremation: ancestors "both cremated (agnidagdhá-) and uncremated (án-agnidagdha-) sic".

Here is the verse or stanza in question from MacDonell's Vedic Reader for Students, p. 185:

agni- is the stem of agn-i-s 'fire', as in igni-s, -dagdha- is the p(ast) p(articiple) of the root dah (Vedic Grammar for Students, p. 488 and perh. p. 163 143.6, p. 181 156.α, and p. 184 160.2 [62, 69 c] with pp. 182-183 158.a.a). án- is the alpha-privative familiar from Greek (Latin in-, English un-).Cf. agní-ṣvāttá in X.15.11.


Cremation is the only post-mortem rite in Homer, for fools and kings, in contrast to Mycenaean shaft graves, tholos tombs, and (in part) the Dipylon cemetery.

A 'Greek' (?) from the margins

An inscriptions from Delos mention an individual with the ethnic Βακτριανός: ἀνάθεμα Ὑσπα{ι}σίνου Βακτριανοῦ (ID 1432, cf. IK Estremo Oriente 320 for the spelling of the name). This inscription is printed as IK Estremo Oriente 321 with Ὑσπαοσόνου.

Cf. Ὑσπασίνου Μιθροάξου Βακτριανοῦ in ID 442.109 (see too 443 and the supplements in 454 and 455).

For more, see Marie-Françoise Baslez (with the observations of A. Bresson), 'Présence et traditions iraniennes dans les cites de l'Égée', Revue des Études Anciennes 87.1 (1985): 137-155.

Privies at Pergamon

The noun ἀφεδρών 'privy' was only known from a passage shared by the Mark and Matthew until a long inscription (OGIS 483: a crude index of 'some' 'relevant' entries in LSJ) from Pergamon was published at the start of the twentieth century.

Locrian

IG IX, 1^2 3: 718 is more conveniently known as Buck^3, no. 57 (Buck^2, no. 55) and Schwyzer, no. 362. It is the oft-cited witness for the dialect of Western (Ozolian) Locris. The online version of LSAG 108.2 does not contain much information.

Note: line 4 - κατ’ αἰϝεί;
line 7 - παῖδα ℎεβατὰν (cf. Thessalian τοῦ εἱβάτα [accent as IG IX, 2 234, Schwyzer 567, Buck^2, and LSJ s.v., no. 34, but contrast Buck^3, no. 36.4 εἱβατᾶ and LSJ s.v. ἡβητής];
lines 10-11 μετὰ Λοϙρο͂ν το͂ν Ϝεσπαρί|ον (with Koppa and Digamma).

The other Locrian inscription, which contains two texts, obverse lines 1-10, reverse lines 11-17 (LSAG 108.4a for both sides, and 4b also) is Buck^3, no. 58 (= Schwyzer 363). The reference to 'IG vol. ix.1 edition 2 no. 718' should have 'no. 717', since no. 718 is the aforementioned Locrian inscription.

Homeric, Pasthun, and Balochi values: honour, hospitality, revenge

Such were the values of Anwar Kamal, the leader of a tribal army in Khyber-Pakhtunkwa. Note inter alia the displays of historic weaponry.

Akbar Bugti, a Baloch(i) ἀρχιλῃστής,* said: “It is better to die quickly in the mountain than slowly in bed”. He delighted in punctiliously-pronounced discourses on the love-life of camels and wreaking horrible revenge on his foes. “What is better than seeing your enemies driven before you and then taking their women to bed?”.

* '-insurrectionist' is better than '-robber, -bandit, or -brigand'.

From phrase to compound adjective

ἀγκύλα τόξα Il.5.209+ : ἀγκυλό-τοξος Il.2.484+


θρόνα ποικίλα Il.22.441 : ποικιλό-θρονος Sapph.1.1.

Pindar has ἀγλαό-γυιος (N.7.4) and -δενδρος (O.9.20) and the Homeric Hymn to Demeter has -δωρος, while Homer has ἀγλαά both of γυῖα (Il.19.385) and of δῶρα (Il.1.213+) and Pindar has it of δένδρα (O.2.70). The Odyssey has ἀγλαά ἔργα, while Maximus (hexameter 68, section 5 'about marriage') has ἀγλαο-εργός 'ennobled by works' (LSJ s.v.).

For Pindar's Ἀγλαο-τρίαινα (Ο.1.40), cf. N.11.4 ἀγλαῷ σκά̄πτρῳ πέλας.

δημιουργός [δημιοεργός (Od., Hdt.), δημιοργός (Ion.), δᾱμιοργός (Dor., NWGr., Arc., Boeot.), δᾱμιωργός (Astypal.), δᾱμιεργός (Astypal., Nisyr.) name of an official.] "from *δημιο-ϝεργός, in turn from <*>δήμια ἔργα with verbal reinterpretation of the second member after the types ψυχο-πομπός; partly from -ϝοργός." (Beekes, s.v.).

ἀκρὴ πόλις Il.6.88, 257 : ἀκρό-πολις Od.8.494+

κύνες πόδας ἀργοὶ (ἕποντο|) Il.18.578 (cf. 18.283 πρίν μιν κύνες ἀργοὶ ἔδονται. |): Πόδ- and πόδ-αργος. See Meissner-Tribulato 2002: 297.

πόδας ὠκὺς Ἀχιλλεύς Il.1.58+: ποδ-ώκης Il.2.860. (Contrast the order of elements in

ὠκῠ-πέδῑλος, ον, with swift sandals, swift-footed, Nonn.D.8.220).

οἰνο-βαρής Il.1.225: οἴνῳ βεβαρηότες Od.3.139, 19.122.

ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν (cf. Il.1.7) Ἀνάξ-ανδρος, Ἀναξ-ήνωρ, and Ἀναξ-ά̄νωρ.

From compound to personal name: 
λᾱο-σσόος Hom.+: a Boeotian Λαϝό-σοϝος CEG I 444. 

Some dual and non-dual anchors

Pindar, Olympian 6.100-102, counsels ἀγαθαὶ δὲ πέλοντ’ ἐν χειμερίᾳ | νυκτὶ θοᾶς ἐκ ναὸς ἀπεσκίμ|φθαι δύ’ ἄγκυραι, without using the dual, unlike Demosthenes (56.44), who instructs μηδ’ ἐπὶ δυοῖν ἀγκύραιν ὁρμεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐᾶτε. Plutarch, Life of Solon 19.2, takes a different course: οἰόμενος ἐπὶ δυσὶ βουλαῖς ὥσπερ ἀγκύραις ὁρμοῦσαν (sc. πόλιν).

See an earlier post for the dual in Sappho and Alcaeus.

Mycenaean spiders and misspelled (?) hyacinths

DGE DMic, I, p. 122 has a-wa-ra-ka-na, in PY Un 1314,which may be related to ἀράχνη.
See Ventris-Chadwick Docs (2nd edn) 505 and 535: 'It is easier to make fun of the suggstion... than to suggest anything better;'.

Medicinal spiders, perhaps?

The ὑάκινθος appears with the spelling ἱακυνθο- as the first member of ἱακυνθοτρόφος, a compound epithet of Artemis in several inscriptions of Augustan date from Knidos.
The festival name ἱακυνθοτρόφια also occurs in some of these inscriptions, with which the more widespread spelling, ὑακινθοτρόφια, may be contrasted. LSJ reports the latter from Miletus only. Page suggested such a spelling in Alc.296b.8.

The father and son of Ptolemy I Soter

OLD, IV, p. 997, iii, has 'Lāgus ~i, m. The father of Ptolemy I of Egypt...'. The citations from Lucan 8.802 and Silius 17.591 show that the is long. An adjective Lāgēus ~a ~um, a. Of Lagus' is also reported.

The Greek forms Λά̄ᾱγος and Λᾶγος continue Λά̄ϝᾱγος (vowel quantities inferred from λᾱός and from -ηγός στρατηγός, κυνᾱγός, etc., but is also confirmed by the hexameter Call.fr.734 Pf.; the trisyllabic spelling is found in papyri and inscriptions). The former was used by the father of Ptolemy, the latter by that bearer's grandson (Ptolemy's son by Thais). Ptolemy I Soter is currently a deadend in LGPN...

Rantidi 26 [Egetmeyer no. 196, p. 773] (a 6th-c. BCE inscription in the Cypriot syllabry) provides the earliest (imperfect) occurrence of this name: la-wa-ko.

Lessons from short fragments of Corinna

660.1-2 PMG illustrates the digamma in Boeotian, but also both <η> for <αι> (4x) and <ω> for Attic-Ionic's secondary <ου>:
πῆδα ϝὸν θέλωσα φίλης | ἀγκάλησ’ ἑλέσθη (De-Boeotianised: παῖδα ὃν θέλουσα φίλαις ἀγκάλαις ἑλέσθαι)
'... while she was wishing to take her son with her loving arms...'.

The fragment was quoted for ὅς with a digamma.


661 PMG: τού τε νῶε (De-Boeotianised: σύ τε νῶε).
Note <ου> for Attic-Ionic <υ> and the by-form of νῶ 'we or us two, the pair of us' (cf. Lat. nō-s)

I have since found that Palmer (1980: 118) quotes 654.iii.12-21 PMG as an illustrative passage. 654.i.12-37 PMG would serve as another slightly longer extract to illustrate Corinna's Boeotian.

A coffin and being compos mentis

See this Roman period inscription from Mytilene: Λούκιος Βαλέρι|ος Διογένης ζῶν | καὶ φρονῶν κατεσ-|κεύασεν τὸ ἀνγεῖ-|ον ...

The ἀγγεῖον is the coffin or sarcophagus.
For φρονέω so used, cf. LSJ s.v. IV.

A neat example from Hesychius

ἄβαρις· ὁ ἠπειρώτης καὶ μὴ ἔχων βᾶριν.

You cannot say fairer than the second part of the explanation. The lemma is not reported from elsewhere and is based on βᾶρις, a loan word of Egyptian origin, perhaps itself the origin of English 'barge'. LSJ's having no boat, landsman inverts the glossographer's order.

Ships on both sides of the line

Homer has νηῦς and νηυσί (and νήεσσι; Aeolic νά̄εσσι), but also names in ναυ- and ναυσι-. There is also ναῦφι as a plural in various functions).

Od.8.111-120:
ὦρτο μὲν Ἀκρόνεώς τε καὶ Ὠκύαλος καὶ Ἐλατρεὺς
Ναυτεύς τε Πρυμνεύς τε καὶ Ἀγχίαλος καὶ Ἐρετμεὺς
Ποντεύς τε Πρῳρεύς τε, Θόων Ἀναβησίνεώς τε
Ἀμφίαλός θ’, υἱὸς Πολυνήου Τεκτονίδαο·
ἂν δὲ καὶ Εὐρύαλος, βροτολοιγῷ ἶσος Ἄρηϊ,
Ναυβολίδης, ὃς ἄριστος ἔην εἶδός τε δέμας τε
πάντων Φαιήκων μετ’ ἀμύμονα Λαοδάμαντα.
ἂν δ’ ἔσταν τρεῖς παῖδες ἀμύμονος Ἀλκινόοιο,
Λαοδάμας θ’ Ἅλιός τε καὶ ἀντίθεος Κλυτόνηος.
οἱ δ’ ἦ τοι πρῶτον μὲν ἐπειρήσαντο πόδεσσι·

Note -νηος and -νεως. There is also Ναυσίθοος (Od.6.7, 7.56, 7.62-63, and 8.565) and of course Ναυσικάα (Od.6.17, etc., 7.12, 8.457, and 8.464).

The key points are (L.R. Palmer, GL, p. 277):
(1) ναῦς and ναυσί show regular 'Osthoff' shortening (cf. Latin nāv-i-s for the long vowel), but νῆα, νηός, νηί, etc., of course, do not.
(2) νηῦς and νηυσί have eta by analogy with the rest of the paradigm. That analogy was not applied to the 'ship' personal names: 
(3) shortening in hiatus produces νέα, νεός (monosyllabic in Od.9.283), etc.