ὑ-φορβός (Hom.), συ- (Od.) and thematised συ-ο- (prose); Εὔ-φορβος in Il.16.808, 850, 17.59, and 81.
ξεν- and -απάτης E.Tr.866, fr.667 but -απάτᾱς Pi.O.10.34.
ξειν- and -απάτᾱς Ibyc., but -απάτης E.Med.1392 (-ου).
ξενο-δᾰίκτᾱς Parth.Fr.13.30, but ξεινο-δαΐκτᾱς Ε.Hrcl.391.
Contrast -ᾱγόρᾱς (e.g. Cypriot Ἑλλ-, Ἐσθλ-, and Ἐσλ-) and -ά̄γορος (on a late archaic Cypriot gem Ἐσλᾱγόρο ἐμι). For the pair, see Masson-Heubeck, Kadmos 1 (1962): 151-152. In all, A.A. Thompson, 'Personal names from Ancient Cyprus with the element Ἑλλ(ο-)', Studies in Greek Linguistics 8. Thessalonica, 1987: 123-131.
Contrast Βου-κεφάλας [κεφαλή] and *-κέφαλος, seen in Latin (Gaius Plinius Secundus, Naturalis Historia
4.18.8); cf. -a and -an in 6.77.8 and 8.154.2) and, perh., in the gen.sg. Βουκεφάλου (contrast Βουκεφάλᾱ, and, perhaps, Βουκεφαλᾶ): Arethas, the Alexander Romance: 33R line 106, 891, 3616, 6108), and headings in 1821; (cf. 'Macedonian' κεβλή).
Showing posts with label Plutarch. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Plutarch. Show all posts
Thursday, 9 June 2016
Monday, 9 May 2016
Some duals
Menander, fr. 520 Kock
μήτηρ τέθνηκε ταῖν ἀδελφαῖν ταῖν δυοῖν (δυεῖν in Körte-Thierfelder)
ταύταιν· τρέφει δὲ παλλακή τις τοῦ πατρὸς
... but ...
αὐτάς, ἅβρα τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῶν γενομένη.
Josephus (!), AJ 14.425:
ὡς δὲ καθιμήθησαν αἱ λάρνακες, ἐτόλμα δ’ οὐδεὶς προσελθεῖν τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν στομίων,
ἀλλ’ ὑπὸ δέους ἠρέμουν, μάχαιράν τις περιζωσάμενος τῶν ὁπλοφόρων καὶ ταῖν χεροῖν ἀμφοτέραιν δραξάμενος ἁλύσεως, ἀφ’ ἧς ἤρτητο ἡ λάρναξ, κατῄει ἐπὶ τὰ στόμια δυσχεράνας τὴν τριβὴν τῶν ἐπεξιέναι μὴ τολμώντων.
In Plutarch, we find ταῖν with θεαῖν (so too in Arrian's Anabasis) and χεροῖν.
In Job 13:20, we find δυεῖν '(you shall indulge me) in two things' (NETS, p. 678) in the poetic section, but δύο in 42:7 in the prose epilogue (Joosten 2014: 35), where δυεῖν would be inadmissible syntactically.
μήτηρ τέθνηκε ταῖν ἀδελφαῖν ταῖν δυοῖν (δυεῖν in Körte-Thierfelder)
ταύταιν· τρέφει δὲ παλλακή τις τοῦ πατρὸς
... but ...
αὐτάς, ἅβρα τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῶν γενομένη.
Josephus (!), AJ 14.425:
ὡς δὲ καθιμήθησαν αἱ λάρνακες, ἐτόλμα δ’ οὐδεὶς προσελθεῖν τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν στομίων,
ἀλλ’ ὑπὸ δέους ἠρέμουν, μάχαιράν τις περιζωσάμενος τῶν ὁπλοφόρων καὶ ταῖν χεροῖν ἀμφοτέραιν δραξάμενος ἁλύσεως, ἀφ’ ἧς ἤρτητο ἡ λάρναξ, κατῄει ἐπὶ τὰ στόμια δυσχεράνας τὴν τριβὴν τῶν ἐπεξιέναι μὴ τολμώντων.
In Plutarch, we find ταῖν with θεαῖν (so too in Arrian's Anabasis) and χεροῖν.
In Job 13:20, we find δυεῖν '(you shall indulge me) in two things' (NETS, p. 678) in the poetic section, but δύο in 42:7 in the prose epilogue (Joosten 2014: 35), where δυεῖν would be inadmissible syntactically.
Thursday, 10 March 2016
Some dual and non-dual anchors
Pindar, Olympian 6.100-102, counsels ἀγαθαὶ δὲ πέλοντ’ ἐν χειμερίᾳ | νυκτὶ θοᾶς ἐκ ναὸς ἀπεσκίμ|φθαι δύ’ ἄγκυραι, without using the dual, unlike Demosthenes (56.44), who instructs μηδ’ ἐπὶ δυοῖν ἀγκύραιν ὁρμεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐᾶτε. Plutarch, Life of Solon 19.2, takes a different course: οἰόμενος ἐπὶ δυσὶ βουλαῖς ὥσπερ ἀγκύραις ὁρμοῦσαν (sc. πόλιν).
See an earlier post for the dual in Sappho and Alcaeus.
See an earlier post for the dual in Sappho and Alcaeus.
Friday, 27 November 2015
Antigona, a courtesan at Athens
An Ἀντιγόνᾱ appears in Hyperides, Against Athenogenes 3 and 5. The same non-Attic-Ionic formation appears in Theoc.17.61 (the wife of Ptolemy son of Lagus) and in Plutarch, On the Fortune of Alexander, 339 E-F.
LGPN knows 57 Antigonai.
LGPN knows 57 Antigonai.
Tuesday, 25 August 2015
Marius' attitude to Greek
Plutarch, Marius 2.1-3:
(1) As for the personal appearance of Marius, we have seen a marble statue of him at Ravenna in Gaul, and it very well portrays the harshness and bitterness of character which were ascribed to him. For since he was naturally virile and fond of war, and since he received a training in military rather than in civil life, his temper was fierce when he came to exercise authority.
(2) Moreover, we are told that he never studied Greek literature, and never used the Greek language for any matter of real importance, thinking it ridiculous to study a literature the teachers of which were the subject of another people; and when, after his second triumph and at the consecration of some temple, he furnished the public with Greek spectacles, though he came into the theatre, he merely sat down, and at once went away.
(3) Accordingly, just as Plato was wont to say often to Xenocrates the philosopher, who had the reputation of being rather morose in his disposition, "My good Xenocrates, sacrifice to the Graces," so if Marius could have been persuaded to sacrifice to the Greek Muses and Graces, he would not have put the ugliest possible crown upon a most illustrious career in field and forum, nor have been driven by the blasts of passion, ill-timed ambition, and insatiable greed upon the shore of a most cruel and savage old age. However, his actual career shall at once bring this into clear view.
Ouch!
(1) As for the personal appearance of Marius, we have seen a marble statue of him at Ravenna in Gaul, and it very well portrays the harshness and bitterness of character which were ascribed to him. For since he was naturally virile and fond of war, and since he received a training in military rather than in civil life, his temper was fierce when he came to exercise authority.
(2) Moreover, we are told that he never studied Greek literature, and never used the Greek language for any matter of real importance, thinking it ridiculous to study a literature the teachers of which were the subject of another people; and when, after his second triumph and at the consecration of some temple, he furnished the public with Greek spectacles, though he came into the theatre, he merely sat down, and at once went away.
(3) Accordingly, just as Plato was wont to say often to Xenocrates the philosopher, who had the reputation of being rather morose in his disposition, "My good Xenocrates, sacrifice to the Graces," so if Marius could have been persuaded to sacrifice to the Greek Muses and Graces, he would not have put the ugliest possible crown upon a most illustrious career in field and forum, nor have been driven by the blasts of passion, ill-timed ambition, and insatiable greed upon the shore of a most cruel and savage old age. However, his actual career shall at once bring this into clear view.
Ouch!
Tuesday, 28 July 2015
Naming practices of the Romans
Suetonius, de Grammaticis 10
Ateius Philologus libertinus Athenis est natus.
Hunc Capito Ateius notas iuris consultus inter grammaticos rhetorem, inter rhetores grammaticum fuisse ait.
De eodem Asinius Pollio in libro, quo Sallustii scripta reprehendit ut nimia priscorum verborum affectatione oblita, ita tradit: In eam rem adiutorium ei fecit maxime quidam Ateius Praetextatus nobilis grammaticus Latinus, declamantium deinde auditor atque praeceptor, ad summam Philologus ab semet nominatus.
Ipse ad Laelium Hermam scripsit, se in Graecis litteris magnum processum habere et in Latinis nonnullum, audisse Antonium Gniphonem eiusque * Hermam, postea docuisse. Praecepisse autem multis et claris iuvenibus, in quis Appio quoque et Pulchro Claudiis fratribus, quorum etiam comes in provincia fuerit.
Philologi appellationem assumpsisse videtur, quia sic ut Eratosthenes, qui primus hoc cognomen sibi vindicavit, multiplici variague doctrina censebatur.
Quod sane ex commentariis eius apparet, quanquam paucissimi extent; de quorum tamen copia sic altera ad eundem Hermam epistola significat: Hylen nostram aliis memento commendare, quam omnis generis coegimus, uti scis, octingentos in libros. Coluit postea familiarissime C. Sallustium et eo defuncto Asinium Pollionem, quos historiam componere aggressos, alterum breviario rerum omnium Romanarum, ex quibus quas vellet eligeret, instruxit, alterum praeceptis de ratione scribendi.
Quo magis miror Asinium credidisse, antiqua eum verba et figuras solitum esse colligere Sallustio; cum sibi sciat nihil aliud suadere quam ut noto civilique et proprio sermone utatur, vitetque maxime obscuritatem Sallustii et audaciam in translationibus.
Plutarch, Life of Marius 1.1-3 (1-5 Teubner)
1 Of a third name for Caius Marius we are ignorant, as we are in the case of Quintus Sertorius the subduer of Spain, and of Lucius Mummius the captor of Corinth; for Mummius received the surname of Achaïcus from his great exploit, as Scipio received that of Africanus, and Metellus that of Macedonicus. 2 From this circumstance particularly Poseidonius thinks to confute those who hold that the third name is the Roman proper name, as, for instance, Camillus, Marcellus, or Cato; for if that were so, he says, then those with only two names would have had no proper name at all. But it escapes his notice that his own line of reasoning, if extended to women, robs them of their proper names; for no woman is given the first name, which Poseidonius thinks was the proper name among the Romans. 3 Moreover, of the other two names, one was common to the whole family, as in the case of the Pompeii, the Manlii, or the Cornelii (just as a Greek might speak of the Heracleidae or the Pelopidae), and the other was a cognomen or epithet, given with reference to their natures or their actions, or to their bodily appearances or defects, Macrinus, for example, or Torquatus, or Sulla (like the Greek Mnemon, Grypus, or Callinicus).* However, in these matters the irregularity of custom furnishes many topics for discussion.
*The Loeb's note reads: The full name of a Roman citizen consisted of a praenomen (the "given," or "proper" name), a nomen designating his family or gens, and a cognomen, which was also hereditary. Women rarely had a praenomen, or "proper" name, but bore the family name only.
Γαΐου Μαρίου τρίτον οὐκ ἔχομεν εἰπεῖν ὄνομα, καθάπερ οὐδὲ Κοΐντου Σερτωρίου τοῦ κατασχόντος Ἰβηρίαν οὐδὲ Λευκίου Μομμίου τοῦ Κόρινθον ἑλόντος· ὁ γὰρ Ἀχαϊκὸς τούτῳ γε τῆς πράξεως ἐπώνυμον γέγονεν, ὡς ὁ Ἀφρικανὸς Σκιπίωνι καὶ ὁ Μακεδονικὸς Μετέλλῳ.
ἐξ οὗ καὶ μάλιστα Ποσειδώνιος (FGrH 87 F 60) ἐλέγχειν οἴεται τοὺς τὸ τρίτον ὄνομα Ῥωμαίοις κύριον εἶναι νομίζοντας, οἷον τὸν Κάμιλλον καὶ τὸν Μάρκελλον καὶ τὸν Κάτωνα· γίνεσθαι γὰρ <ἂν> ἀνωνύμους τοὺς ἀπὸ μόνων τῶν δυεῖν προσαγορευομένους.
λανθάνει δ’ ἑαυτὸν ὅτι τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ πάλιν αὐτὸς ἀνωνύμους ποιεῖ[ται] τὰς γυναῖκας· οὐδεμιᾷ γὰρ γυναικὶ τίθεται τῶν ὀνομάτων τὸ πρῶτον, ὅπερ οἴεται κύριον ὄνομα Ῥωμαίοις ὑπάρχειν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος·
τῶν δ’ ἄλλων τὸ μὲν κοινὸν ἀπὸ συγγενείας, τοὺς Πομπηίους καὶ τοὺς Μαλλίους καὶ τοὺς Κορνηλίους, ὥσπερ ἂν Ἡρακλείδας τις εἴποι καὶ Πελοπίδας,
[τοῦ] τὸ δὲ προσηγορικὸν ἐξ ἐπιθέτου πρὸς τὰς φύσεις ἢ τὰς πράξεις ἢ τὰ τοῦ σώματος εἴδη καὶ πάθη τίθεσθαι, τὸν Μακρῖνον καὶ τὸν Τορκουᾶτον καὶ τὸν Σύλλαν, οἷόν ἐστιν ὁ Μνήμων ἢ ὁ Γρυπὸς ἢ ὁ Καλλίνικος. εἰς μὲν οὖν ταῦτα πολλὰς δίδωσιν ἐπιχειρήσεις ἡ τῆς συνηθείας ἀνωμαλία.
Hunc Capito Ateius notas iuris consultus inter grammaticos rhetorem, inter rhetores grammaticum fuisse ait.
De eodem Asinius Pollio in libro, quo Sallustii scripta reprehendit ut nimia priscorum verborum affectatione oblita, ita tradit: In eam rem adiutorium ei fecit maxime quidam Ateius Praetextatus nobilis grammaticus Latinus, declamantium deinde auditor atque praeceptor, ad summam Philologus ab semet nominatus.
Ipse ad Laelium Hermam scripsit, se in Graecis litteris magnum processum habere et in Latinis nonnullum, audisse Antonium Gniphonem eiusque * Hermam, postea docuisse. Praecepisse autem multis et claris iuvenibus, in quis Appio quoque et Pulchro Claudiis fratribus, quorum etiam comes in provincia fuerit.
Philologi appellationem assumpsisse videtur, quia sic ut Eratosthenes, qui primus hoc cognomen sibi vindicavit, multiplici variague doctrina censebatur.
Quod sane ex commentariis eius apparet, quanquam paucissimi extent; de quorum tamen copia sic altera ad eundem Hermam epistola significat: Hylen nostram aliis memento commendare, quam omnis generis coegimus, uti scis, octingentos in libros. Coluit postea familiarissime C. Sallustium et eo defuncto Asinium Pollionem, quos historiam componere aggressos, alterum breviario rerum omnium Romanarum, ex quibus quas vellet eligeret, instruxit, alterum praeceptis de ratione scribendi.
Quo magis miror Asinium credidisse, antiqua eum verba et figuras solitum esse colligere Sallustio; cum sibi sciat nihil aliud suadere quam ut noto civilique et proprio sermone utatur, vitetque maxime obscuritatem Sallustii et audaciam in translationibus.
Plutarch, Life of Marius 1.1-3 (1-5 Teubner)
1 Of a third name for Caius Marius we are ignorant, as we are in the case of Quintus Sertorius the subduer of Spain, and of Lucius Mummius the captor of Corinth; for Mummius received the surname of Achaïcus from his great exploit, as Scipio received that of Africanus, and Metellus that of Macedonicus. 2 From this circumstance particularly Poseidonius thinks to confute those who hold that the third name is the Roman proper name, as, for instance, Camillus, Marcellus, or Cato; for if that were so, he says, then those with only two names would have had no proper name at all. But it escapes his notice that his own line of reasoning, if extended to women, robs them of their proper names; for no woman is given the first name, which Poseidonius thinks was the proper name among the Romans. 3 Moreover, of the other two names, one was common to the whole family, as in the case of the Pompeii, the Manlii, or the Cornelii (just as a Greek might speak of the Heracleidae or the Pelopidae), and the other was a cognomen or epithet, given with reference to their natures or their actions, or to their bodily appearances or defects, Macrinus, for example, or Torquatus, or Sulla (like the Greek Mnemon, Grypus, or Callinicus).* However, in these matters the irregularity of custom furnishes many topics for discussion.
*The Loeb's note reads: The full name of a Roman citizen consisted of a praenomen (the "given," or "proper" name), a nomen designating his family or gens, and a cognomen, which was also hereditary. Women rarely had a praenomen, or "proper" name, but bore the family name only.
Γαΐου Μαρίου τρίτον οὐκ ἔχομεν εἰπεῖν ὄνομα, καθάπερ οὐδὲ Κοΐντου Σερτωρίου τοῦ κατασχόντος Ἰβηρίαν οὐδὲ Λευκίου Μομμίου τοῦ Κόρινθον ἑλόντος· ὁ γὰρ Ἀχαϊκὸς τούτῳ γε τῆς πράξεως ἐπώνυμον γέγονεν, ὡς ὁ Ἀφρικανὸς Σκιπίωνι καὶ ὁ Μακεδονικὸς Μετέλλῳ.
ἐξ οὗ καὶ μάλιστα Ποσειδώνιος (FGrH 87 F 60) ἐλέγχειν οἴεται τοὺς τὸ τρίτον ὄνομα Ῥωμαίοις κύριον εἶναι νομίζοντας, οἷον τὸν Κάμιλλον καὶ τὸν Μάρκελλον καὶ τὸν Κάτωνα· γίνεσθαι γὰρ <ἂν> ἀνωνύμους τοὺς ἀπὸ μόνων τῶν δυεῖν προσαγορευομένους.
λανθάνει δ’ ἑαυτὸν ὅτι τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ πάλιν αὐτὸς ἀνωνύμους ποιεῖ[ται] τὰς γυναῖκας· οὐδεμιᾷ γὰρ γυναικὶ τίθεται τῶν ὀνομάτων τὸ πρῶτον, ὅπερ οἴεται κύριον ὄνομα Ῥωμαίοις ὑπάρχειν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος·
τῶν δ’ ἄλλων τὸ μὲν κοινὸν ἀπὸ συγγενείας, τοὺς Πομπηίους καὶ τοὺς Μαλλίους καὶ τοὺς Κορνηλίους, ὥσπερ ἂν Ἡρακλείδας τις εἴποι καὶ Πελοπίδας,
[τοῦ] τὸ δὲ προσηγορικὸν ἐξ ἐπιθέτου πρὸς τὰς φύσεις ἢ τὰς πράξεις ἢ τὰ τοῦ σώματος εἴδη καὶ πάθη τίθεσθαι, τὸν Μακρῖνον καὶ τὸν Τορκουᾶτον καὶ τὸν Σύλλαν, οἷόν ἐστιν ὁ Μνήμων ἢ ὁ Γρυπὸς ἢ ὁ Καλλίνικος. εἰς μὲν οὖν ταῦτα πολλὰς δίδωσιν ἐπιχειρήσεις ἡ τῆς συνηθείας ἀνωμαλία.
Friday, 26 June 2015
Some plurals of personal names
Plutarch's Fortune of Alexander 327 A names among Fortune's favourites Ὤχοι and Ἀρταξέρξαι.
Philo, De vita contemplativa 9, uses Thersiteses (Θερσίτῃσι in all but one manuscript and the Armenian version: others give θηρσί τισι) for ugly people.
Philo, De vita contemplativa 9, uses Thersiteses (Θερσίτῃσι in all but one manuscript and the Armenian version: others give θηρσί τισι) for ugly people.
Monday, 18 May 2015
The wounds of Alexander the Great
In Episode IV of In the footsteps of Alexander the Great, Michael Wood refers to twenty one wounds that were sustained by Alexander. These have been blogged in three parts: from Arrian 1 and 2 (Anabasis IV 22-) and from Plutarch 3.
Monday, 19 January 2015
Κάτωνες
Plu.Cat.Maj.19.7 (2x), Cat.Mi.12.6, 64.5 (cf. 19.9 <Ψευδο>κάτωνες with other plural personal names in context), Crassus 14.2, Brutus 29.10, and Regum et imperatorum apophthegmata 204E.
Tuesday, 25 November 2014
A half-Greek community speaking Greek among the Parthians
Plutarch, Life of Crassus 31.1:
Οὐ μὴν ἔμειναν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ὀκτάβιον, ἀλλὰ συγκατέβαινον ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου· τοὺς δὲ ῥαβδούχους ἑπομένους ὁ Κράσσος ἀπήλλασσε. πρῶτοι δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπήντησαν αὐτοῖς δύο μειξέλληνες, οἳ καὶ προσεκύνησαν τὸν Κράσσον, ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων ἁλάμενοι, καὶ προσαγορεύσαντες ἑλλάδι φωνῇ παρεκάλουν προπέμψαι τινάς, οἷς ἐπιδείξεται Σουρήνας ἑαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἀνόπλους καὶ ἀσιδήρους προσερχομένους.
The Loeb translation reads: "Octavius, however, and those about him, did not remain, but went down from the hill with Crassus; the lictors, who were following him, Crassus drove back. The first of the Barbarians to meet him were two half-breed Greeks, who leaped from their horses and made obeisance to him; then addressing him in the Greek tongue, they urged him to send a party forward to assure themselves that Surena and those about him were advancing to the conference without armour and without weapons."
Thayer notes simply, 'Descendants no doubt of Alexander's army, which had briefly held the region in the 4c: these Asian Greeks are known to have maintained their identity for many generations'.
The Loeb translation reads: "Octavius, however, and those about him, did not remain, but went down from the hill with Crassus; the lictors, who were following him, Crassus drove back. The first of the Barbarians to meet him were two half-breed Greeks, who leaped from their horses and made obeisance to him; then addressing him in the Greek tongue, they urged him to send a party forward to assure themselves that Surena and those about him were advancing to the conference without armour and without weapons."
Thayer notes simply, 'Descendants no doubt of Alexander's army, which had briefly held the region in the 4c: these Asian Greeks are known to have maintained their identity for many generations'.
Monday, 24 November 2014
Language choice: Plutarch's Life of Brutus on Romans' use of Greek
Plutarch comments on Brutus' letters in Latin and those in Greek and notes the following instances of the use of Greek by Brutus and his circle.
2.4-8:
Empylus also, who is often mentioned by Brutus himself in his letters, and ls by his friends, as a housemate of his, was a rhetorician, and has left a brief but excellent account of the assassination of Caesar, entitled "Brutus."
2.4-8:
Empylus also, who is often mentioned by Brutus himself in his letters, and ls by his friends, as a housemate of his, was a rhetorician, and has left a brief but excellent account of the assassination of Caesar, entitled "Brutus."
In Latin, now, Brutus was sufficiently
trained for narrative or pleading; but in Greek he affected the brevity
of the apophthegm and the Spartan, of which he sometimes gives a
striking example in his letters. For
instance, when he had already embarked upon the war, he wrote to the
Pergamenians: "I hear that ye have given money to Dolabella; if ye
gave it willingly confess that ye have wronged me; if unwillingly,
prove it by giving willingly to me." Again, to the Samians: "Your counsels are paltry, your subsidies slow; what, think ye, will be the end of this?" And
in another letter: "The Xanthians ignored my benefactions, and have
made their country a grave for their madness; but the Patareans
entrusted themselves to me, and now enjoy their freedom in all its
fulness. It is in your power also to choose the decision of the
Patareans or the fate of the Xanthians." Such, then, is the style of
his remarkable letters.
17.5-6:
Caesar
caught the handle of the dagger and cried out loudly in Latin: "Impious
Casca, what doest thou?" Then Casca, addressing his brother in Greek,
bade him come to his aid. And now
Caesar had received many blows and was looking about and seeking to
force his way through his assailants, when he saw Brutus setting upon
him with drawn dagger.
40.2-4:
When
supper was over, [Cassius] grasped Messala's hand warmly, and, speaking in
Greek, as was his custom when he would show affection, said: "I call
thee to witness, Messala, that I am in the same plight as Pompey
the Great, in that I am forced to hazard the fate of my country on
the issue of a single battle. With good courage, however, let us fix
our waiting eyes on fortune, of whom, even though our counsels be
infirm, it is not right that we should be distrustful." With
these last words to him, Messala says, Cassius embraced him; and he had
already invited him to supper on the following day, which was his
birthday.
52.1-2:
Thursday, 24 July 2014
A Greek inscription on the statue of a Roman statesman in the Forum
Plutarch, The Life of Titus Flaminius 1.1-2:
...ἰδέαν μὲν ὁποῖος ἦν πάρεστι θεάσασθαι τοῖς βουλομένοις ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ χαλκῆς εἰκόνος, ἣ κεῖται παρὰ τὸν μέγαν Ἀπόλλωνα τὸν ἐκ Καρχηδόνος ἀντικρὺ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου, γράμμασιν Ἑλληνικοῖς ἐπιγεγραμμένη· τὸ δ’ ἦθος ὀξὺς λέγεται γενέσθαι καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ πρὸς χάριν, οὐ μὴν ὁμοίως, ἀλλ’ ἐλαφρὸς μὲν ἐν τῷ κολάζειν καὶ οὐκ ἐπίμονος, πρὸς δὲ τὰς χάριτας τελεσιουργός, καὶ τοῖς εὐεργετηθεῖσι διὰ παντὸς ὥσπερ εὐεργέταις εὔνους, καὶ πρόθυμος ὡς κάλλιστα τῶν κτημάτων τοὺς εὖ πεπονθότας ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ περιέπειν ἀεὶ καὶ σῴζειν.
What the outward appearance of Titus Quintius Flamininus was may be seen by those who wish it from the bronze statue of him at Rome. It stands by the side of the great Apollo from Carthage, opposite the Circus, and has upon it an inscription in Greek characters. As to his disposition, he is said to have been quick to show anger as well as to confer favours, though not in like extent. For he was gentle in his punishments and not persistent, whereas in his favours he was unremitting, always well disposed towards his beneficiaries as though they were his benefactors, and eager to protect at all times and preserve those who had ever met with kindness at his hands, as though they were his choicest possessions. (B. Perrin, Loeb, adapted).
[ From 5.7: φωνήν τε καὶ διάλεκτον Ἕλληνι '(with a man) who was Greek both in voice and in language'.]
...ἰδέαν μὲν ὁποῖος ἦν πάρεστι θεάσασθαι τοῖς βουλομένοις ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ χαλκῆς εἰκόνος, ἣ κεῖται παρὰ τὸν μέγαν Ἀπόλλωνα τὸν ἐκ Καρχηδόνος ἀντικρὺ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου, γράμμασιν Ἑλληνικοῖς ἐπιγεγραμμένη· τὸ δ’ ἦθος ὀξὺς λέγεται γενέσθαι καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ πρὸς χάριν, οὐ μὴν ὁμοίως, ἀλλ’ ἐλαφρὸς μὲν ἐν τῷ κολάζειν καὶ οὐκ ἐπίμονος, πρὸς δὲ τὰς χάριτας τελεσιουργός, καὶ τοῖς εὐεργετηθεῖσι διὰ παντὸς ὥσπερ εὐεργέταις εὔνους, καὶ πρόθυμος ὡς κάλλιστα τῶν κτημάτων τοὺς εὖ πεπονθότας ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ περιέπειν ἀεὶ καὶ σῴζειν.
What the outward appearance of Titus Quintius Flamininus was may be seen by those who wish it from the bronze statue of him at Rome. It stands by the side of the great Apollo from Carthage, opposite the Circus, and has upon it an inscription in Greek characters. As to his disposition, he is said to have been quick to show anger as well as to confer favours, though not in like extent. For he was gentle in his punishments and not persistent, whereas in his favours he was unremitting, always well disposed towards his beneficiaries as though they were his benefactors, and eager to protect at all times and preserve those who had ever met with kindness at his hands, as though they were his choicest possessions. (B. Perrin, Loeb, adapted).
[ From 5.7: φωνήν τε καὶ διάλεκτον Ἕλληνι '(with a man) who was Greek both in voice and in language'.]
Friday, 14 September 2012
More elephantonyms
Following on from the post on Ajax in Taxila, we should note that Pliny the Elder (NH VIII v 11-12) tells us about some other named elephants.
King Antiochus (unnumbered, sadly) had at least two, one called Ajax, the other Patroclus. Pliny tells the story of reluctance, rivalry, and reward, on an occasion of fording a river. They were celebrities of their time: duo... celebres etiam cognominibus fuisse.
Cato the Elder (apud Pliny loc.cit.) excluded the names of generals from his Annals, but not that of Syros, 'the Syrian' altero dente mutilato.
Plutarch name in the Life of Pyrrhus 33.4 [.5 in the Teubner] a battle-elephant named Νίκων 'Victor'.
King Antiochus (unnumbered, sadly) had at least two, one called Ajax, the other Patroclus. Pliny tells the story of reluctance, rivalry, and reward, on an occasion of fording a river. They were celebrities of their time: duo... celebres etiam cognominibus fuisse.
Cato the Elder (apud Pliny loc.cit.) excluded the names of generals from his Annals, but not that of Syros, 'the Syrian' altero dente mutilato.
Plutarch name in the Life of Pyrrhus 33.4 [.5 in the Teubner] a battle-elephant named Νίκων 'Victor'.
Tuesday, 28 August 2012
Latin in Greek script
The transliteration Λέντουλος and the transcription (?) Λέντλος are found for the Latin name Lentulus in Greek authors. E.g. -
For the former: Diodorus Siculus 11.52.1,Plutarchus, Pompeius 73.6 [unique in Plu.]; Appianus, Mithridatica 434 [uniquely in this section in App.]; Cassius Dio, 37.30.4 et al. locc.;
For the latter:
Polybius, Historiae 18.48.2, Diodorus Siculus 17.112.1, 40.1.2; Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae 14.228; Res Gestae DIVI Augusti 6, 16, 18; Plutarch, Pompeius 22.5, 59.1, 3, 4, 80.4 [Is this the same individual as transliterated above ?; standard in Plu.]; Appianus, Bellum civile 1.8.72, but then not again until Constantinos VII Porphyrogennetos.
Cf. τίτλος Ev.Jo. 19:19f. for titulus.
For the former: Diodorus Siculus 11.52.1,Plutarchus, Pompeius 73.6 [unique in Plu.]; Appianus, Mithridatica 434 [uniquely in this section in App.]; Cassius Dio, 37.30.4 et al. locc.;
For the latter:
Polybius, Historiae 18.48.2, Diodorus Siculus 17.112.1, 40.1.2; Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae 14.228; Res Gestae DIVI Augusti 6, 16, 18; Plutarch, Pompeius 22.5, 59.1, 3, 4, 80.4 [Is this the same individual as transliterated above ?; standard in Plu.]; Appianus, Bellum civile 1.8.72, but then not again until Constantinos VII Porphyrogennetos.
Cf. τίτλος Ev.Jo. 19:19f. for titulus.
Sunday, 27 April 2008
Harry 'Mithridates' Potter
Many obvious classical allusions in the Harry Potter novels stem from JK Rowling's undergraduate degree in Classics at the University of Exeter, causing classical intertexts to rub shoulders with the likes of The Worst Witch and the Narnia books. However, one of the most distinctive elements of the stories may not be original either.
'According to report, the Mithridates who made war against the Romans...was by far the greatest drinker among his contemporaries, and so was nicknamed Dionysus [which is unlikely to be the real reason]... Actually, when he was a baby, a bolt of lightning burned his swaddling-clothes, but did not touch his body, except for a trace of the fire which remained upon his forehead as a youth and was concealed by his hair.'
(Plutarch, Symposiaca 1.6.2, Loeb translation).
Plutarch goes on to say that as an adult, King Mithridates survived another lightning-bolt unharmed (except that the arrows in the quiver hanging over his head were charred). The people called him Dionysus, hinting that, like the god who survived incineration by lightning as a baby, Mithridates had been shown to be divine.
This explains why the scar on Harry Potter's head, caused by the survival of Voldemort's 'killing curse' when he was a baby, is in the shape of a bolt of lightning. Fans have not previously been able to explain this.
~Typhon
'According to report, the Mithridates who made war against the Romans...was by far the greatest drinker among his contemporaries, and so was nicknamed Dionysus [which is unlikely to be the real reason]... Actually, when he was a baby, a bolt of lightning burned his swaddling-clothes, but did not touch his body, except for a trace of the fire which remained upon his forehead as a youth and was concealed by his hair.'
(Plutarch, Symposiaca 1.6.2, Loeb translation).
Plutarch goes on to say that as an adult, King Mithridates survived another lightning-bolt unharmed (except that the arrows in the quiver hanging over his head were charred). The people called him Dionysus, hinting that, like the god who survived incineration by lightning as a baby, Mithridates had been shown to be divine.
This explains why the scar on Harry Potter's head, caused by the survival of Voldemort's 'killing curse' when he was a baby, is in the shape of a bolt of lightning. Fans have not previously been able to explain this.
~Typhon
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